By Sidris van Sauers

This paper is the result of my learning journey within the African Diaspora Studies program. It has provided me with deep insight not only into world history, but also into the ways in which that history continues to shape our contemporary societies. The themes explored throughout the course from diaspora and slavery to Pan-Africanism, identity, and heritage have broadened my perspective and strengthened my understanding of human interconnectedness.
While writing this paper, I was once again confronted with the importance of knowing our past. Not as a fixed or static narrative, but as a living history that continues to influence who we are and how we relate to one another. This work is written with respect for the complexity of that history, with awareness of both the pain and resilience embedded in these stories, and with the intention of contributing to dialogue, awareness, and healing.

With deep gratitude, I would like to acknowledge several people who made this study and this work possible.
First and foremost, I extend my appreciation to Professor Adwoa Owusuaa Bobie of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST). Her expertise, critical perspective, and dedication to teaching African history and culture enriched my learning process and inspired me to dig deeper, think broader, and look beyond the surface.
I also wish to thank Marvin Hokstam Baapoure of the Broos Institute, Afrocentric studies & research, whose support made my participation in this program possible. His trust, encouragement, and commitment to knowledge development played a vital role in enabling me and others to follow this course.
Finally, I am grateful to my fellow students, with whom I shared meaningful conversations, insights, and discussions. Your perspectives, questions, experiences, and critical reflections have made this learning experience even richer. Together, we created a space in which we not only gained knowledge, but also learned from one another what it means to approach history through connection and awareness.
In writing this paper, I used ChatGPT as a tool to help organize my thoughts and articulate my insights clearly. The content, interpretations, and conclusions arise from my own studies, intuition, and reflection. The technology supported me in structuring the text, but the thinking, analysis, and direction of this ‘research’ emerged from my own process. Full responsibility for the content lies with me.

Preface ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
Index …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
PART I – ABSTRACT, INTRODUCTION & THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK …………………………………………………………………
Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
1. Theoretical framework: diaspora, power and the construction of history ……………………………………………………
1.3 History versus heritage ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
PART II – SLAVERY, TRADE, RESISTANCE & THE PLURALITY OF DIASPORA’S ………………………………………………………..
2. European expansion and the construction of hiërarchy …………………………………………………………………………..
3. De Trans-atlantic slavetrade: structures, economies and inequality ………………………………………………………….
3.1 The Scale and organisation of the trade ………………………………………………………………………………………….
3.2 Shipboard revolts: African agency during the Middle Passage……………………………………………………………..
3.3 Slavery in the East: a forgotten chapter …………………………………………………………………………………………..
3.4 Gender, labor and violence …………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
3.5 Resistance in the East …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………
4. The multiple African diasporas ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………
4.1 Zeleza: the diaspora is global ………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
4.2 Liberia and the paradox of return …………………………………………………………………………………………………..
PART III – POST SLAVERY, PAN-AFRICANISM & POLITICS OF HERITAGE ……………………………………………………….
5. Post-slavery: the afterlife of slave societies in states, labo rand identity. ……………………………………………………
5.1 Liberia: freedom without libertion ………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.2 Post-slavery stigma within Africa …………………………………………………………………………………………………..
5.3 The Americas: slavery in new forms ……………………………………………………………………………………………….
6. Pan-Africanism: a language of restoration, identity en struggle …………………………………………………………………
6.1 Pan-Africanism of liberation vs. integration ……………………………………………………………………………………..
6.2 De role of woman in Pan-Africanism ………………………………………………………………………………………………
6.3 Pan-Africanism as an emotional and aesthetic project …………………………………………………………………….
7. Memory, heritage and national mythes ………………………………………………………………………………………………
7.1 History as a site of struggle …………………………………………………………………………………………………………
7.2 Why museums, education and monuments are so contested …………………………………………………………..
7.3 De ritual dimension of memory ……………………………………………………………………………………………………
PART IV – CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….
8. Conclusion: The past is not behind us, it lives within us …………………………………………………………………………
APPENDICES ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..
9. Reflation questions (for personal or professional development) ……………………………………………………………..
10. Discussion questions (for seminars, academic settings, or panel conversations) …………………………………….
11. Bibliography (based on the documents in this project) …………………………………………………………………………

PART I – ABSTRACT, INTRODUCTION & THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Abstract
This paper examines what the study of African diasporas, slavery, and colonial expansion has taught me about the historical foundations of contemporary inequality. Drawing on key scholarship including the work of Zeleza, Vink, Eltis, Richardson, Whyte, and Horton & Kardux, a coherent picture emerges: slavery was not an isolated economic system but a global web of power, ideology, and cultural formation.
Through the lens of diaspora studies, it becomes evident how people and ideas moved across oceans, and how these movements continue to shape identities, power structures, and racial hierarchies. The analysis demonstrates that racism, postcolonial inequality, stigmas, and institutional structures are not natural or inevitable facts but historical constructions. History persists in economic relations, state formation, cultural memory, and in the everyday processes of inclusion and exclusion.
This paper connects academic insights to my own DEI practice: understanding the past is essential for interpreting and transforming inequality today. The question “Where do we come from?” is inseparable from “Who do we aspire to be?”

Introduction
My starting point in this paper is clear: We must know where we come from in order to understand and transform the world we live in.
Throughout this course, I was repeatedly confronted with a truth I also encounter daily in my work as a Diversity & Inclusion trainer:
•inequality has never emerged “naturally”;
•racism is a historical project, not a human instinct;
•colonial power structures have not disappeared, they have merely changed form;
•and diaspora is not a memory but a living reality.
The authors studied in this course from Zeleza to Vink, from Eltis to Whyte, from Horton & Kardux to Mazrui collectively demonstrate how complex, multifaceted, and deeply embedded the history of slavery is. What struck me most is that almost all of them struggle with the same tension: How do we speak about a past that still hurts, when that very past is essential for building a just future?
As Horton & Kardux write: “For people who value human dignity, a discussion of their participation in slavery is never easy.”
And yet, it is necessary. In this paper, I examine three major threads:
1.How European expansion produced ideologies of race, hierarchy, and dehumanization.
2.How slavery in both the Atlantic world and the East formed a global structure that profoundly altered peoples, cultures, and states.
3.How diasporas, post-slavery societies, and Pan-African movements generated new forms of identity and resistance.
At the same time, I consistently connect this history to the present: How do we recognize the legacies of this past in contemporary organizations, in discrimination, in exclusion, and in what remains unspoken?
In doing so, I hold on to my own foundational principle: I am because we are. Identity, history, and community are always relational. This makes the subject not only academic, but existential.

1. Theoretical framework: diaspora, power and the construction of history
1.1 The concept of ‘diaspora’
Paul Tiyambe Zeleza cautions that the term diaspora is often used imprecisely. He argues: “Dispersal does not automatically create a diaspora.” “Diasporas are complex social and cultural communities created out of real and imagined genealogies.”
A key contribution in his work is that he refuses to reduce diaspora to the Atlantic experience. He identifies four major historical diasporas:
• intra-African
•Indian Ocean
•Mediterranean
•Atlantic diaspora
Zeleza emphasizes that diasporas are shaped by experience, struggle, cultural creation, and political mobilization. This means that diaspora carries both pain and creativity, loss as well as resistance.
1.2 Colonial expansion and the formation of racial ideology
From the readings on European expansion, it becomes evident that before 1500 social hierarchies were primarily based on religion. But with the rise of global imperial power, this changed dramatically.
Bethencourt (as interpreted through Vainfas & Lancaster) shows that:
•European worldviews placed themselves at the top of global hierarchies;
•exoticization became a tool of domination;
•and “race” emerged as a justification for subjugation.
Lancaster writes: “Exoticism was an inherent element of European expansion, downgrading other cultures and justifying political dominion.”
Even more foundational is David Eltis’ analysis, in which he argues: “The inability of colonists to conceive of Europeans as chattel slaves is perhaps the clue to understanding the slave trade.”
In other words: slavery was not an economic inevitability but an ideological choice.
1.3 History versus heritage
Horton & Kardux demonstrate that nation-states treat history selectively. They note: “The Netherlands’ role in slaveholding and slave trading was long erased from public consciousness.”
This reveals that remembrance is never a neutral process it is a contested terrain. What a nation chooses to commemorate determines who is heard and who is silenced.
For my work within DEI, this has a clear implication: If we do not know which narratives have been suppressed, we cannot talk honestly about the present.

PART II – SLAVERY, TRADE, RESISTANCE & THE PLURALITY OF DIASPORA’S
2. European expansion and the construction of hiërarchy
In the early modern world, Europe developed a self-image that became deeply intertwined with expansion and global trade. Encounters with previously unknown peoples demanded new systems of classification, and gradually an ideological framework emerged in which Europeans positioned themselves at the top.
Exploration and commerce required ideological justification. Exoticization and “othering” became powerful instruments. As Lancaster sharply observes: “Exoticism was an inherent element of European expansion, downgrading other cultures and justifying political dominion.”
This worldview legitimized slavery as “natural,” “inevitable,” or even “civilizing.” But this logic was culturally constructed. Eltis argues that enslaving Europeans was never considered an option. Not because of economic logic, but because of moral boundaries embedded in Europe’s self-conception: “The inability of colonists to conceive of Europeans as chattel slaves is perhaps the clue to understanding the slave trade.”
In other words: slavery was not the result of a labor shortage, but of ideology.
At the same time, colonial societies functioned as laboratories for racial thinking. In Spanish America, the castas system emerged; in Asia, VOC colonies developed local hierarchies based on ethnicity, status, and labor. These were not “by-products” but foundational mechanisms through which colonial power operated.
3. De Trans-atlantic slavetrade: structures, economies and inequality
3.1 The Scale and organisation of the trade
Eltis shows the immense scope of the system: millions of people transported from dozens of African coastal regions, on thousands of ships, managed by European powers. His work nuances earlier estimates but confirms the enormous scale: “Africans arrived in the Americas between 1519 and 1867. The data support revised aggregate estimates.”
The trade functioned as an industrial system, involving:
•accounting and bookkeeping
•insurance mechanisms
•risk assessments
•epidemiological knowledge
•mathematical calculations of mortality, profit, and “loss”
This rational bureaucracy stands in shocking contrast to the dehumanizing reality of people confined in chains. The cargo was human, but the logic was industrial.
Richardson further demonstrates that slave ships were not merely economic spaces but also political ones: “Rebelliousness by slaves on ship significantly reduced the shipments of slaves.”
Resistance was therefore not an anomaly but a structural component of the system.

3.2 Shipboard revolts: African agency during the Middle Passage
The Middle Passage is often portrayed as a space of total dehumanization, but Richardson’s analysis reveals the opposite. Of the 392 documented rebellions, 90% occurred before arrival in the Americas; resistance therefore began on the African coast itself. As Richardson notes: “The incidence of slave rebellions on ships leaving Senegambia was substantially higher, suggesting the importance of sociopolitical context in Africa.”
This demonstrates that:
•enslaved people possessed political consciousness,
•came from complex and organized societies,
•and took enormous risks rooted in collective solidarity.
Rebellion exposes the myth that slavery was solely a European project. African societies were not merely victims of the trade, they were actors, contexts, and agents within it.
3.3 Slavery in the East: a forgotten chapter
Markus Vink challenges the persistent myth that slavery in Asia was marginal. His evidence is unequivocal: “The volume of the total Dutch Indian Ocean slave trade was therefore 15–30% of the Atlantic slave trade.”
This means the VOC was not merely a commercial enterprise; it functioned as a slaveholding institution. In cities such as Batavia, Colombo, Cochin, and Cape Town, enslaved people often made up more than half of the population. Vink documents urban societies in which 40–60% of inhabitants were enslaved. These numbers contradict the Dutch national narrative, which often confines slavery to a “Caribbean chapter,” overlooking its vast Asian dimensions.
3.4 Gender, labor and violence
Across both the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds, gender operated as a structuring principle of enslavement.
•Women were disproportionately trafficked for reproductive and sexual labor.
•In VOC territories, they formed the backbone of domestic service, agriculture, and household labor.
•Colonial archives frequently romanticized these dynamics, but the lived reality was one of exploitation.
At the same time, pockets of cultural creativity and agency persisted, especially at the Cape. “Slave orchestras formed the sonic backbone of Cape society.” Music, dance, and language became ways of reclaiming humanity within a regime of violence. Creolization was not a harmonious blending but a strategy of survival.
3.5 Resistance in the East
Although large-scale uprisings were rarer under VOC rule, resistance took many forms. Vink emphasizes: “Slaves expressed their discontent through ‘weapons of the weak’, but above all by marooning or deserting.”
Flight, sabotage, arson, and labor disruption were political acts expressions of people who, under relentless structural oppression, continued to fight for dignity.

4. The multiple African diasporas
4.1 Zeleza: the diaspora is global
Zeleza is incisive in his critique of the Anglo-American tendency to narrow the study of diaspora. He argues: “The analytical tendency to privilege the Atlantic limits our understanding of African diasporas.”
The African diaspora is not a single history but a constellation of intersecting trajectories:
1.Atlantic: the forced migration of enslaved Africans to the Americas
2.Indian Ocean: centuries of trade, slavery, and mobility
3.Mediterranean: dispersal into the Islamic world
4.Intra-African: internal migration shaped by trade, war, and shifting political orders
5.New Diaspora: contemporary migration to Europe and North America
This multidimensional lens reveals the richness, diversity, and global reach of African presence across time and space.
4.2 Liberia and the paradox of return
Why did Afro-Americans choose to “return” to Africa? Blyden poses the difficult but essential question: “What did it mean for New World blacks to migrate to Africa?”
The return was far from straightforward. Liberia became a state in which African American settler-elites came to dominate local populations—a painful mirror of the very colonial structures they sought to escape. Whyte illustrates this dynamic clearly: “Development was deployed to facilitate greater government control over the Liberian interior territory.”
The migration back to Africa was therefore not a romantic homecoming, but a new chapter marked by tension, power struggles, and profound encounters between diaspora and continent.

PART III – POST SLAVERY, PAN-AFRICANISM & POLITICS OF HERITAGE
5. Post-slavery: the afterlife of slave societies in states, labo rand identity.
The formal abolition of slavery rarely marked the end of slavery-like structures. Across Africa, the Americas, and Europe, older hierarchies persisted in new forms. The literature explored in this course highlights these continuities across three interconnected domains:
1.labor systems
2.social hierarchies
3.state formation and national power

5.1 Liberia: freedom without libertion
Liberia presents a unique case: a state founded by free African Americans, neither a classic colony nor free from colonial structure. Christine Whyte describes it as a paradoxical model of “post-slavery colonial governance.”
Where the rhetoric of American freedom promised equality through the establishment of an independent Black republic, a hierarchy soon emerged in which the Americo-Liberian elite dominated Indigenous populations. Why? As Whyte writes: “Development was deployed to facilitate greater government control over the Liberian interior territory.”
In other words, “development” became a colonial instrument within a state that had no metropole.
Liberia:
•forced labor embedded in modernization projects,
•a racialized hierarchy inside a Black nation,
•a power structure in which formerly enslaved people reproduced a colonial logic.
This analysis matters for my DEI work because it reveals an uncomfortable truth: those who flee oppression can, within new structures, become agents of oppression themselves. This is not a moral judgement, but an examination of how power systems operate and reproduce.

5.2 Post-slavery stigma within Africa
Within Africa itself, the end of legal slavery did not dissolve the social categories it created. Many societies continued to distinguish between “freeborn” groups and descendants of enslaved people. This hidden trauma persists in social status, marriage patterns, access to land, and political participation. Lecocq & Hahonou capture this starkly: “The noble and the slave are like the hen and the guinea fowl; they will never become chickens.”
This demonstrates that slavery was not solely a Western system, but a relational legacy capable of capturing entire generations in networks of stigma and exclusion.
For contemporary DEI practice, this means that racism and inequality must be examined not only externally in reference to colonial histories but also internally, within communities, organizations, diasporas, and intergenerational relations.

5.3 The Americas: slavery in new forms
Bouke de Vos’s syllabus makes unmistakably clear that:
•250 years of slavery,
•followed by 100 years of Jim Crow,
•followed by ongoing institutional inequality,
together form one continuous historical process.
As one of the most powerful formulations states: “The criminal justice system became one of the primary means of continuing the legalized involuntary servitude of African Americans.” (source: Tyner)
This insight is essential for a contemporary DEI lens: institutions are never neutral; they carry history within them.
6. Pan-Africanism: a language of restoration, identity en struggle
Pan-Africanism was born out of necessity: it emerged as a response to a global system that dispersed, dehumanized, and uprooted African peoples. What fascinates me is that Pan-Africanism has always encompassed two intertwined movements:
1.the struggle against oppression,
2.the creation of new forms of community.
6.1 Pan-Africanism of liberation vs. integration

Ali Mazrui differentiates
•Pan-Africanism of Liberation: de succesverhalen -> anti-koloniale strijd, onafhankelijkheid, de val van apartheid.
•Pan-Africanism of Integration: de teleurstellingen -> mislukte pogingen tot economische en politieke eenwording.
Mazrui laat zien dat Afrikaanse staten heel sterk zijn in verzet, maar minder succesvol in institutionele samenvoeging. Een continent dat eeuwenlang gefragmenteerd werd door koloniale grenzen heeft moeite om zich te verenigen binnen diezelfde grenzen. Dit is geen falen maar een historisch-logische consequentie.

6.2 De role of woman in Pan-Africanism
A frequently overlooked dimension now increasingly corrected through feminist historical scholarship, is that Pan-Africanism is not only the story of Nkrumah, Garvey, or Du Bois. It is also the story of:
•Amy Jacques Garvey,
•Amy Ashwood Garvey,
•Alma La Badie,
•and many others.
They were intellectuals, organizers, writers, lobbyists, and foundational architects of the movement. Their work demonstrates that diaspora politics is also about care, community, and social infrastructure—precisely the themes that resonate with my own focus on connection and inclusion.

6.3 Pan-Africanism as an emotional and aesthetic project
Mazrui identifies two cultural currents within Pan-Africanism:
•Romantic Primitivism: a celebration of simplicity, spirituality, and connection to the earth
•Romantic Gloriana: a celebration of Africa’s great civilizations and high cultures
Aimé Césaire expresses this poetically: “Hooray for those who never invented anything.”
This line disrupts the colonial logic that ties human value to production, invention, conquest, or measurable achievement. Instead, it centers human dignity, imagination, and creativity.
This resonates strongly with my own practice: people do not need to meet Western standards of “performance” in order to possess value.

7. Memory, heritage and national mythes
7.1 History as a site of struggle
Horton & Kardux make a critical distinction between:
•History → facts, archives, analysis, painful truths
•Heritage → the story a nation wants to tell about itself
They write: “The Netherlands’ role in slaveholding and slave trading was long erased from public consciousness.”
This explains why slavery remains such an explosive topic: it touches national identity, pride, self-image, and moral responsibility. History demands confrontation. Heritage seeks comfort. Where these two collide, social conflict emerges.

7.2 Why museums, education and monuments are so contested
According to Horton & Kardux:
•museums become sites of moral debate,
•monuments are not neutral objects but markers of identity,
•schoolbooks reflect power relations.
The central question is never simply: “What happened?”
The real question is: “Whose story is being told?”
A society without rituals to face its past will inevitably experience friction in the present.

7.3 De ritual dimension of memory
Rites of passage, as described by Lorraine Alexander, offer an alternative lens:
•rituals carry communities through difficult transitions,
•they create shared meaning,
•they connect past, present, and future.
When a society lacks rituals to acknowledge colonial pain, the result is:
•denial,
•fragmentation,
•polarization.
Memory is therefore not merely an intellectual exercise but a relational process—one that requires community. And this is precisely why DEI initiatives fail when approached only as policy: they leave no room for ritual, acknowledgment, emotion, transition, or transformation.

PART IV – CONCLUSION
8. Conclusion: The past is not behind us, it lives within us
What this course has taught me most of all is that the history of slavery is not a closed chapter but a structure that continues to shape how societies think, feel, and function today. Slavery was not an isolated economic system; it was a global architecture of power, ideology, and cultural formation.
The authors studied in this course Zeleza, Vink, Eltis, Richardson, Whyte, Blyden, Mazrui, Horton & Kardux, and others show that history is not a static narrative but a living organism that embeds itself in institutions, language, legal systems, identities, and group dynamics. My key insights include:
Slavery was global, not only Atlantic. The VOC played a major role in Asian enslavement; the Indian Ocean diaspora remains chronically overlooked.
Race is a modern political project, constructed to legitimize colonial hierarchy.
Diaspora is multiple, both historical and contemporary a cultural, political, and emotional category.
Post-slavery is a transformation, not an end. From forced labor in Liberia to Jim Crow in the United States, systems change shape but retain power.
Memory is never neutral. National myths determine which past is told and which is silenced.
Pan-Africanism offers a counter-narrative political, spiritual, aesthetic, and community-building.
Rituals are essential for healing. Societies without rituals fracture; conversations about slavery have ritual, emotional, and moral dimensions that policy alone cannot address.
For my work within DEI, and in my broader role as trainer, facilitator, organizer, and therapist, this means:
We cannot address racism without understanding the history of racialisation.
DEI is not a technical intervention but a historically charged process.
Organizations are part of a longer tradition of inclusion and exclusion.
Connection becomes possible only when people understand the roots of their perspectives.
Healing requires more than policy documents; it requires acknowledgment, empathy, transitional rituals, historical education, and shared humanity.
This work reinforces my conviction: we can move forward only when we are willing to look back honestly. And we can heal only when we understand that the past is not a burden, but a source of knowledge, awareness, and collective growth.
If I take one thing from this study, it is that history is not something behind us it is something that has shaped us: in our institutions, in our thinking, in our relationships. I have learned that genuine connection is possible only when we face the roots of inequality. That healing requires recognition. And that freedom is a collective task, an ongoing process without a final endpoint.
I am because we are. And because we are, history belongs to all of us.

APPENDICES
9. Reflation questions (for personal or professional development)
These questions are suitable for educational programs, group dialogues, anti-discrimination trainings, or DEI circles.
Personal reflection
1.What was the most confronting insight for you in the history of slavery and colonialism?
2.Which parts of this history were never taught to you, and why do you think that is?
3.How does your own family or community history shape the way you view power, racism, and inequality?
4.In what ways do you recognize the legacies of slavery in your own environment, workplace, or city?
5.What does “I am because we are” mean when we apply it to painful histories?
Professional reflection
6.How does historical awareness influence your actions as a professional?
7.In what ways can organizations better address shared histories and collective traumas?
8.Where do you see blind spots in current DEI policies that are directly connected to colonial history?
9.Which rituals or transitional moments are missing in your organization or community?
10.How can you contribute to a culture in which people can acknowledge their histories without fear or defensiveness?
10. Discussion questions (for seminars, academic settings, or panel conversations)

These questions are intended to inspire philosophical reflection, debate, and analysis.
1.To what extent can a nation-state ever engage objectively with a past that undermines its own identity?
2.What roles do archives, museums, and heritage institutions play in constructing—and concealing—national memory?
3.What are the ethical implications of the fact that diasporas are both heirs to trauma and engines of resistance?
4.How does the African diaspora in the Indian Ocean differ from the Atlantic diaspora, and why is this distinction important?
5.What do shipboard revolts teach us about the agency of enslaved people?
6.Is Pan-Africanism still relevant in the 21st century? If so, in what form?
7.In what sense is “post-slavery” a myth? What has truly changed since abolition?
8.How can contemporary states take responsibility for history without falling into a politics of guilt or shame?
9.What does repair or reparations mean when trauma is dispersed across continents, centuries, and generations?
10.How can rituals, old or new, contribute to collective healing after historical violence?
1311. Bibliography (based on the documents in this project)

Primary Course Articles
•Blyden, Nemata A. “Back to Africa: The Migration of New World Blacks to Sierra Leone and Liberia.” OAH Magazine of History, 18(3), 23–25.
•Edochie, Rita K. “The Sixth Zone: The African Diaspora and the African Union’s Global-Era Pan-Africanism.” Journal of African American Studies, 16(2), 268–299.
•Eltis, David. “The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A Reassessment.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 58(1), 17–46.
•Horton, James & Kardux, Joke. Slavery and Public Memory. (Project excerpts)
•Mason, Matthew. “Keeping Up Appearances: The International Politics of Slave Trade Abolition in the 19th-Century Atlantic World.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 66(4), 809–832.
•M’Bayo, Tamba. “W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and Pan-Africanism in Liberia, 1919–1924.” The Historian, 66(1), 19–44.
•Richardson, David. “Shipboard Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Slave Trade.” The William and Mary Quarterly, 58(1), 69–92.
•Shepperson, George. “Pan-Africanism and ‘Pan-Africanism’: Some Historical Notes.” Phylon, 23(4), 346–358.
•Tyner, Artika. The Year of Return. (Cited from course summary)
•Vink, Markus. “The World’s Oldest Trade: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century.” Journal of World History, 14(2), 131–177.
•Whyte, Christine. “Freedom But Nothing Else: The Legacies of Slavery and Abolition in Post-Slavery Sierra Leone.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 48(2), 231–250.
•Zeleza, Paul Tiyambe. “Rewriting the African Diaspora: Beyond the Black Atlantic.” African Affairs, 104(414), 35–68.
Supporting Documents from Previous Courses
•Vainfas, Ronaldo. “The Thousand Faces of Racism” review of Bethencourt, Francisco.
•Bethencourt, Francisco. Racisms: From the Crusades to the Twentieth Century. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press (2013).
•Eltis, David. “Europeans and the Rise and Fall of African Slavery in the Americas: An Interpretation”. University of Chicago Press (2012).
•Van der Wal, Anne Marieke. “Slave Orchestras and Rainbow Balls: Colonial Culture and Creolisation at the Cape of Good Hope”, 1750–1838.” (2016).
•Martínez, Julia. “Mapping the Trafficking of Women across Colonial Southeast Asia, 1600s–1930s.” Journal of Global Slavery, 1 (2016). University of Wollongong.
•Horton, James Oliver & Kardux, Johanna C. “Slavery and the Contest for National Heritage in the United States and the Netherlands.” American Studies International (2004).
•Personal notes History Course GVGT: “Creolisation at the Cape and cultural expression under slavery; Pan-Africanism, gender, and diaspora”.
•De Vos, Bouke. Slavernij en de lange historie van het rassenprobleem in de VS: “De martelgang van de Afro-Amerikanen door de eeuwen heen”. Syllabus, HOVO Rotterdam (2020).
•Alexander, Lorraine. “Rituals and Rites of Passage: Diverse Practices from Different Cultures.” (2024).